This paper makes two contributions to the classical thesis in American Political Science on the existence of two presidents", as applied to the Argentine case. Analyzing rollcall votes for the recent period, we confirm the validity of the thesis in a markedly presidential and multiparty system. Furthermore, comparing international and domestic legislative topics, we analyze which factors affect the legislative support received by the president. Using robust regressions, we find that popular approval is positively associated with the level of support that the president received for domestic but not international initiatives. The use of Necessity and Urgency Decrees, the economy's performance, the ideological polarization between the parties in Congress, and the chamber in which the initiative is submitted are all variables that affect legislative support.

El presente trabajo prueba la tesis clásica de la Ciencia Política norteamericana sobre la existencia de dos presidentes en iniciativas legislativas. Analizando las votaciones nominales argentinas recientes, confirmamos la pertinencia de la tesis para sistemas presidencialistas y marcadamente multipartidarios. Luego, comparando las temáticas internacionales y domésticas, analizamos qué factores afectan el apoyo legislativo recibido por el Presidente. Encontramos que la aprobación popular está positivamente asociada al nivel de apoyo que el Presidente recibe en iniciativas domésticas y no en las internacionales, mientras que el uso de Decretos de Necesidad y Urgencia, el andar de la economía, la polarización ideológica entre los partidos en el Congreso y la Cámara en la que la iniciativa es presentada, son variables que afectan el apoyo legislativo.

Abstract Public opinion plays a growing role in foreign policy formation in democratic societies. In this study, we use survey data from The Americas and the World project to establish whether Latin Americans share a common regional identity, and regard Brazil as a regional leader. Our results indicate that the majority of Brazilians do not identify themselves as Latin Americans. Moreover, while they believe their country is the most suitable candidate for regional leadership, they are unwilling to bear the costs of assuming such a role. Our study also explores perceptions of regional identity and Brazilian leadership in other Latin American countries, based on their own respective power aspirations. It shows that less powerful Latin American nations recognise Brazil as a regional leader, but citizens in middle powers, like Argentina and Mexico, still believe their countries should play a prominent regional role.

Resumo A sociedade civil desempenha um papel cada vez mais importante na formulação da política externa nos países emergentes. Este artigo investiga se a opinião pública é sensível a efeitos de framing no que diz respeito à política externa. Através de um survey experimental aplicado a uma amostra de 1530 estudantes na Universidad de Buenos Aires e na Universidad Nacional de Avellaneda, descobrimos que os participantes são sensíveis a efeitos de framing em temas de política exterior. Os entrevistados mudaram suas preferências quando foram estimulados com informações sobre o crescimento econômico brasileiro e os gastos militares de forma comparada com a Argentina. Por sua vez, esse efeito foi ainda mais pronunciado entre a) pessoas que tendem a se informar menos sobre assuntos internacionais e b) entre indivíduos mais nacionalistas.

Abstract Civil society plays an increasingly important role in the formulation of foreign policy in emerging countries. This article investigates whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects regarding foreign policy. Data from a survey experiment with a sample of 1,530 students at the Universidad de Buenos Aires and the Universidad Nacional de Avellaneda, we find that participants are sensitive to framing effects on foreign affairs. The interviewees changed their preferences when stimulated by information regarding Brazilian economic growth and military expenditure in comparison with Argentina. In turn, this effect was more pronounced among a) people who tend to stay less informed regarding foreign affairs and b) individuals who are more nationalistic.

Resumen La sociedad civil desempeña un papel cada vez más importante en la formulación de la política externa de países emergentes. Este artículo indaga si la opinión pública es sensible a efectos de framing en lo que concierne a política externa. A través de un survey experimental, aplicado a una muestra de 1530 alumnos en la Universidad de Buenos Aires y en la Universidad Nacional de Avellaneda, encontramos que los participantes fueron sensibles a efectos de framing en temas de política exterior. Los entrevistados cambiaron sus preferencias cuando recibieron información respecto al crecimiento económico brasilero y sus gastos militares de forma comparada con la Argentina. A su vez, este efecto fue más pronunciado entre: a) personas que tienden a informarse menos sobre asuntos internacionales y b) individuos más nacionalistas.

Résumé La société civile joue un rôle de plus en plus important dans la formulation de la politique étrangère dans les pays émergents. À travers une enquête auprès de 1530 élèves de l'Université de Buenos Aires et de l'Universidad Nacional de Avellaneda, nous avons constaté que les participants étaient sensibles aux effets de cadrage concernant les affaires étrangères. En effet, les préférences des personnes interviewées changeaient lorsqu'elles étaient stimulées par des informations concernant la croissance économique et les dépenses militaires brésiliennes, en comparaison avec l'Argentine. De plus, cet effet était plus prononcé chez a) les gens qui ont moins tendance à se tenir informés des affaires étrangères et b) les gens plus nationalistes.

El Protocolo de adhesión de China a la Organización Mundial del Comercio, firmado en Diciembre de 2001, permitió a otros países miembros considerar a China como un país sin economía de mercado (NME, por sus siglas en inglés) hasta finales del 2016. Este trabajo pretende responder a la pregunta: ¿Se puede medir el estatuto de economía del mercado (MES, por sus siglas en inglés) según su cumplimiento? La variable utilizada para medir el cumplimiento fue el número de investigaciones de antidumping iniciadas por país. Se espera que los países que reconocen a China el estatuto de economía del mercado, MES, realicen menos investigaciones antidumping que los que todavía consideran que ésta no tiene economía de mercado (NME). Esto explicaría por qué desde el 2001 el gobierno chino ha estado haciendo una enérgica campaña para ganar la condición de MES entre sus socios económicos.

When China signed a Protocol of Accession to the World Trade Organization in December 2001, other country members were allowed to consider China as a Non-Market Economy until the end of 2016. Taking into account this restraint, the aim of this paper is to answer the following question: can the Market Economy Status Recognition (MES) be measured by a de-facto compliance? The variable used to measure the compliance is the number of antidumping investigations initiated by each country. Hence, the countries which recognize China as a market economy would have a fewer antidumping investigations than the countries that are still treating Beijing as a Non Market Economy, which is the key reason of why the Chinese Government has been campaigning vigorously since 2001 to gain a MES status by a larger number of its economic partners.

O protocolo de adesão à Organização Mundial do Comércio da China, assinado em Dezembro de 2001, permitiu a outros países membros apreciarem a China como nação sem economia de mercado (NME, pela sua rubrica no inglês) até o final de 2016. O presente artigo visa responder a pergunta: é possível medir o status de economia de mercado (MES, pela sua rubrica no inglês) conforme a sua efetivação? A variável aplicada para estimar a execução foi à checagem de investigações anti-dumping iniciadas pelos países. Espera-se que os países que reconhecem à China a classificação de MES, reduzam o número das investigações anti-dumping em comparação com os países que ainda tratam esse país como uma economia sem mercado. Isso esclareceria o fato das agressivas campanhas lideradas pelo governo chinês desde 2001 para ganhar o status de MES entre os seus parceiros econômicos.

This paper looks at the main finding by Amorim Neto (2011), namely that Brazil's power explains why it distanced itself from the country that had once been its great ally in the first half of the last century. We propose an alternative explanation grounded on the realist literature in IR. Ultimately, we seek to determine whether the variable has behaved in the same way for other South American countries, searching for independent variables that could help us explain a visible pattern in the region: the increasing distancing from the United States (USA) at the United Nations General Assembly. We want to contribute to the debate initiated by Amorim Neto (2011) and Schenoni (2012) for future research in the recent field of quantitative analysis of Brazilian Foreign Policy. Using Panel Corrected Standard Error analysis in ten South American countries from 1970 to 2007 we empirically prove that the lower the power gap between a South American country and the U.S., the lower its alignment with the USA in the UN General Assembly voting.